Betting lintang utara
I am not sure how true this would be, considering the temple is not a Buddhist temple, but a Tua Pek Kong temple, which is more closely related to local beliefs. The altar to Tua Pek Kong 3 September A different version of the legend tells of a feng shui master who reared a couple of white cranes. He chose to live in the cave with his two cranes. The feng shui master was the one who started the worship of Tua Pek Kong in the cave.
Eventually, he passed away and subsequently so did his cranes. After he had died, bats began to take over the cave. Check the Rapid Penang Bus Routes for details. From the bus stop, walk a short distance down the road till you reach a lane to your left with a big arch. The arch is for the Jade Emperor's Pavilion.
The lane is called Jalan Pokok Ceri. Take that lane. A short distance up that lane, there is a right branch. It has a sign pointing the way to the Bat Cave Temple. Follow that branch and it takes you to the temple, which is about 50 meters from the sign. Statue of the Auspicious Tortoise - rubbing it will rub some luck on you, so believed some 3 September What to see and do The bats are the sole attraction of this temple.
This view stems in part from the emphasis on forgetting in these activities. A pre- condition for the beginning of the peace process in late was that the issue of culp- ability would not be discussed. For some the terms were interchangeable: they thought achieving reconciliation was simple and only required the end of violence, much in the same way they understood peace.
Others saw it is C. In , during an informal discussion about the meaning of reconciliation over dinner with a group of Christian ministers, one minister argued that peace was easy, but reconciliation was nearly unachievable. He used the analogy of a torn piece of tissue paper: If you tear off a corner of tissue, it is easy enough to stick it back together. That is like peace: when you take two pieces and put them back together.
However, the tear is still there. You can still see it. Reconciliation is what happens when you can no longer see the tear. Local leaders could declare that reconciliation had occurred in their speeches or hold large public spectacles, such as hibualamo ceremonies, and claim success, but North Moluccans outside these elite circles argued that reconciliation required a com- mitment that many did not have.
Although some were simply ambivalent, others continued to mistrust and dislike the religious other and no amount of discussion about the importance of reconciliation or participation in staged adat rituals was going to change their view.
Others were not interested in talking about the topic. These people were weary of the never-ending meetings and appeals for reconciliation. Often, taking part in these elite-managed efforts at reconciliation was the only economically viable option available to displaced communities. They needed to return to their previous homes where they had gardens or access to other livelihoods. If that meant they had to live with Muslims or with Christians that they did not fully trust, that was a risk they would take for economic security.
This ambivalence towards reconciliation could also be seen in the number of forced migrants who chose not to return to particular places, such as Soa-Sio, Tidore. The reasons behind those decisions were numerous and complex, but intern- ally displaced persons IDPs often cited fears for their future safety if they returned to a region in which they were an unwelcome religious minority Duncan , In several locations on Halmahera and on the island of Obi, returning IDPs established new single faith villages near their gardens rather than return and live as a minority in a larger multi-faith community.
As noted earlier the literature on reconciliation often makes a distinction between bottom-up approaches to reconcilia- tion coming from local communities versus top-down ones coming from the state, and international or national NGOs. In contrast, I would argue that most North Halmaherans see these efforts, if they pay any attention to them at all, as another example of a top-down initiative that largely ignores their concerns.
The idea of hibualamo, at least in its current manifestation, has been designed and promoted by an elite circle of North Halmaherans and their supporters. The elite version of rekon- siliasi is a reconciliation that ignores issues that were important to local communities in the aftermath of the violence, such as truth and accountability.
It is rekonsiliasi focused on forgetting what happened during the violence, which most North Halma- herans do not want to do, and putting forth an idealised version of the future about which many North Halmaherans remain ambivalent. In contrast, local communities tend to see it as a much longer process; one that ultimately, if not inevitably, may be unsuccessful. Other parts of North Maluku that have not seen such developments have also remained peaceful in the decade since the violence ended.
If reconciliation is seen as a return to a pre-violence status quo, then some may argue that many parts of North Maluku have achieved this goal. A large number of forced migrants have returned to their places of origin. Most people continue to live in religiously segregated communities. Local C. Duncan politics and development are still often thought of in terms of the religious divide and as a zero sum game.
A large number of forced migrants have returned albeit some against their will , but a sizeable number did not, particularly to certain Muslim majority areas. Fears of the religious other remain strong in the region. For example, parents take into account the religious make- up of an area when they send their children to university.
Christian families are reluctant to send their children to school in predominantly Muslim Ternate City where the provin- cial university is located. They choose instead to send their children to Tobelo or to the neighbouring province of North Sulawesi with its Christian majority. This continu- ing lack of trust can also be seen in how local people react to religiously motivated violence elsewhere in Indonesia.
Many people in North Maluku still fear the outbreak of religious violence and prepare for the worst. After reconciliation ceremonies held by the government or welcoming festivities for returning IDPs, each side went back to their largely reli- giously segregated spheres. Although the regional elite like to claim that reconciliation has taken hold and many outside observers seem to agree with them, these conclusions seem more idealistic than descriptive.
It overlooks the mistrust that still exists between the two groups. To end on a positive note, however, many peacebuilding practitioners see coexistence as a step in a much longer process of reconciliation. Braithwaite et al. Tindage , Sitohang et al. For discussions of the concept coexistence see Kriesberg and Chayes and Minow The southern two thirds of the original province retained its previous name. The northern third, includ- ing Ternate, Tidore, Halmahera and surrounding islands, as well as the Sula Archipelago, became the new province of North Maluku.
This process initially created eight new districts, some of which have been subsequently subdivided. Each of these new districts then needed to decide upon a district capital. In the case of C. Funding This work was supported by John D. References Acciaioli, Greg. Al Qurtuby, Sumanto. Allen, Tim and Anna Macdonald. JSRP Paper 3. Avonius, Leena. New York: Routledge. Baines, Erin. Bar-Tal, Daniel. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Bar-Tal, Daniel, and Gemma H.
Oxford: Oxford University Press. New York: Springer. Barron, Patrick, et al. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK. Bhargava, Rajeev. On Good Terms: Clarifying Reconciliation. Berghof Report No. Branch, Adam. Reconciling Indonesia: Grassroots Agency for Peace. Chayes, Antonia, and Martha Minow, eds.
San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Duan, S. Duncan, Christopher R. Ithaca: Cornell Southeast Asia Program. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. Galtung, Johan. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books. Ignatieff, Michael. Kelman, Herbert C.
Malloy, and Jeffrey D. Fisher, 15— Kriesberg, Louis. Lakawa, Septemmy E. Laksono, P. Topatimasang, ed. Tual: Nen Mas Il. Lambourne, Wendy. Duncan Lederach, John Paul. Loch, Alexander, and Vanessa Prueller. Mac Ginty, Roger. Majalah G-Priority.
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